Iran cracks down on newspaper that reported on rising price of meat
Akbar Montajabi ran front page stories about anti-government protests that had rocked Iran for months without attracting the ire of the authorities. But that all changed when he wrote about lamb.
The demonstrations, triggered by the death in police custody of 22-year-old Mahsa Amini for allegedly failing to adhere properly to the Islamic dress code, have faded but the regime fears that a cost of living crisis could stoke another wave of dissent.
Last month, authorities shut down the reformist Sazandegi newspaper for more than a week after it reported on the rise in lamb prices ahead of Nowruz, the Iranian new year.
“Writing about protests was writing about Iranians’ dreams of freedom and equality but writing about meat was highlighting a daily, tangible reality and clearly seen as more sensitive,” said Montajabi in the empty Sazandegi newsroom.
“Our sub-headline was seen as worse. It said ‘Meat eliminated from the diet of the working and middle class’.”
The regime has arrested at least 70 journalists, according to Reporters Without Borders, during the protests that erupted in September.
But while the civil unrest has diminished, the economic hardship for millions of Iranians continues to deteriorate. The rial has lost more than a third of its value this year, while inflation soared to 47.7 per cent last month.
Against this tough economic background, the Islamic republic believes its enemies — western states such as the US and opposition groups abroad — are using a mix of conventional and unconventional methods, including information, to overthrow the regime in Tehran.
“Authorities know that the street protests are over only on the surface,” said an analyst, who wished to remain anonymous. “The economy is feared to be the next trigger. They want to control the information dissemination to foil that threat.”
State television still pumps out propaganda but many Iranians have VPN (virtual private network) software, which allows them to circumvent restrictions on the internet and social media apps. Overseas satellite television stations are also widely available, even though they are illegal.
Last month, Rahim Safavi, a military adviser to Iran’s supreme leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, said that the republic was “not only behind in the media warfare . . . but we have failed” in it. “We have to get out of the defensive position and get ready to multiply our offensive approach.”
Hossein Taeb, who advises the Revolutionary Guards’ top commander, added that “the pawns of the soft war” that the enemy relied on “are those who tweet, are writers, [television] hosts and poets”.
Iran International, widely viewed as an opposition channel, ceased broadcasting in London In February and moved to the US after British authorities said they had uncovered plots to kill or kidnap its journalists.
When the protests broke out, authorities blocked access to Instagram and WhatsApp. But so many Iranians have VPNs that Meta was able to report last month that hashtags related to the demonstrations had been used more than 160mn times on Instagram.
Analysts believe Iranian hardliners used the protests as an excuse to tighten access to the internet. That focus on social media meant that newspapers were generally left alone, given their limited impact.
Abbas Abdi, a reformist analyst, told Ham-Mihan newspaper that the closure of Sazandegi over the lamb headline revealed that the political establishment “lacked an understanding of the concept of media”.
He added: “Due to disastrous media policies, the press are at an abyss and their power to influence public opinion is very limited. The impact of that report on meat was equal to a mosquito biting an elephant.”
There are about a dozen reformist newspapers and news agencies in Iran, mostly run by politicians. But Montajabi pointed out that “our coverage is read and taken seriously by politicians”, while most ordinary people only read the paper if a story was first highlighted on social media.
The Sazandegi editor said he never received any letters from the Supreme National Security Council, the country’s top security body, regarding what was and what was not allowed to be printed.
While Montajabi knew that highlighting the fall of the rial and rise in the price of gold coins was considered a red line, he had no clue that red meat crossed the barrier, too.
It was recommended that cartoons of leaders of neighbouring countries should not be printed, “but we have published cartoons of [Vladimir] Putin since his war on Ukraine at least 12 times”.
Although the newspaper has reopened since Saturday and continues to address controversial issues, Montajabi was not sure if it still faced an additional hearing but was adamant that the newspaper still had a vital role to play.
Journalism in Iran may not offer much “bread for reporters but it is still a respected job”, he added.
“And when the newspaper is shut down, it gains extra credibility because this is a country of paradoxes.”
Read the full article Here